BEING RIGHT STINKS!
- Greenmark 101
- 3 minutes ago
- 18 min read
DONALD TRUMP AS PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES HAS UNINTELLIGENTLY GIVEN CHINA THE FINAL ACCELERATOR FOR WORLD DOMINANCE WITHIN TWENTY YEAR.
ON JANURAY 13, 2025 OUR QUESTION OF THE DAY WAS:
Is China’s true agenda world dominance?
G-101 SPM 98.25 tag answers YES.
"Within ten years China will account for 47 percent of all global manufacturing, which will outmatch the U.S.A. and all of its allies. China’s national policy is committing all resources at its disposal to dominate production in strategic industries: electronics, chemical, ships, aircraft, semiconductors, electric vehicles and associated products. Geopolitical supremacy is the hidden agenda by building what the world needs; cheaper, better and instantly available. A new kind of warfare that “takes profits out of the equation” instead of a costly long term committed objective without a violent armed conflict between nations that result in destruction, loss of life and suffering."
With an SPM 94.56 tag, it suggests that China has a 94.56 percent subjective probability model to gain world dominance.
Now it's 100%
THE MAJORITY OF RESPONSES FROM OUR AUDIENCE and so called "experts" suggested were Americanophobic and our "hatred of the U.S. or American culture" slanted the true.
When you consider the following, the facts prove otherwise.
To be fair, President Trump had no historical part in the answer. He can on the scene with a weak hand. His only desire was personal wealth. He had a country to rip off. Whether he understood history as complex interplay of factors, including immediate and long-term causes, which are a result of human action and societal development, is not known. However, Donald Trump was informed by his intelligence agencies and advisers of political, economic, social, and technological changes, as well as cultural and ideological movements. Under the second presidency of Donald Trump, the federal government of the United States has pursued an economic policy focused on lower taxation, deregulation, and large-scale protective tariffs.
From the perspective of G-101 SPM AI algorithm, it analyzed Trump's policies and the projected circumstances and causes why certain events unfolded and how they connect
to one another over different time scales.
The algorithm processed over a five-trillion bits of raw data to generate enough smart data to conclude that the United States of America is beginning to show potential consequences of U.S. decline. According to the subsequent G-101 SPM tags produced in the study, a potential loss of U.S. global economic and political dominance could have several major consequences, making it a significant factor in future development and consequences of the United States.
Increased Instability and Conflict: The primary risk identified by power transition theory is that rapid shifts in power increase the likelihood of major conflicts as rising powers challenge the established order and the declining power tries to maintain its position.
Shifting Alliances and New World Order: Other nations would likely reassess their alliances and form new partnerships, potentially leading to a more multipolar world where several states hold considerable influence, rather than a single dominant power.
Challenges to Global Governance: The dominant power often establishes and enforces international rules, norms, and institutions (e.g., the post-WWII Bretton Woods system). A decline in dominance could lead to a breakdown or fragmentation of these systems, making it harder to address global problems like climate change or economic stability.
Economic Realignment: The U.S. dollar's role as the world's primary reserve currency could be challenged. Economic power shifts often lead to changes in trade agreements and global supply chains as countries adapt to new economic realities.
THE POTENTIAL LOSS OF THE U.S. GLOBAL ECONOMIC and political dominance can lead to social instability, a sense of displacement and alienation among its people, and a decline in community cohesion. This can manifest as increased social isolation, a weakening of shared values, and, in extreme cases, internal strife or even civil war.
As the next man standing for the U.S. , President Trump can only play the cards he's dealt. Thus, he must make the best use of the limited options, resources, or circumstances available to him. In essence, as president, Trump must make the most of the country's current reality and being resourceful with what he has at hand.
Does President Trump have the "right stuff" to meet the challenges facing the country?
Hard question to a answer without understand the "man."
By applying artificial intelligence to analyze Donald Trump's profile, using various data sources, G-101 SPM AI tags used digital footprints like social media posts and likes, web search history, and audio, video, and facial images to infer personality traits, predict behavior, and create detailed personal profile.
The results suggest that Trump is ambitious, dominant, outgoing, and highly narcissistic. These attributes suggest a leader who is driven to achieve, seeks to assert authority, and prefers to be at the center of attention. However, he is also profiled as low in agreeableness, conscientiousness, and emotional stability, which can impact interpersonal relationships and decision-making under stress.
Characterization as a High-Dominance Charismatic Leader.
Trump is frequently characterized as a "high-dominance charismatic," meaning he exhibits a bold, impulsive approach and a strong desire to control situations and dominate adversaries. This combination of traits can result in decisive action but may also lead to conflicts or impulsive decisions.
Assessment of Suitability for Presidential Responsibilities.
On their face, these traits are considered to have failed the historical requirements and integrity necessary to manage the complex responsibilities of serving as president of the United States. The noted deficiencies in agreeableness, conscientiousness, and emotional stability raise concerns about the capability to handle the demands and pressures intrinsic to the office.
Conclusions: Donald Trump's profile has a low score from a historical perceptive to handle the complex requirements as president of the United States.
As a world leaders, President Trump appears not to possess a combination of strong character, strategic vision, and adaptable skills, including integrity, resilience, effective communication, empathy, and self-awareness. His vision, inspire others but only in their highly narcissistic desires and operational objectives. He lacks a comprehensive understand to navigate complex global challenges with flexibility and a long-term perspective.
Trump's foundational qualities are compromised by his narcissistic impulses:
Integrity: He does not act as a successful leaders with unwavering character and ethics, building trust through honesty and aligning their actions with their words.
Self-awareness: He does not have a deep understanding of his own emotions, strengths, and weaknesses, which prevents him from lead more effectively.
Resilience: He cannot withstand adversity, fails to cope with change, and appears unable to persevere through tough times, demonstrating the inability to bounce back from setbacks.
Empathy: He fails to understand and connect with the emotions of others, which is crucial for inspiring and motivating people.
Trump lacks strategic and forward-thinking abilities
Vision: He lacks a clear picture of the future and the strategic thinking to develop a plan to achieve it.
Strategic thinking: He cannot think long-term, anticipate future challenges, and develop proactive strategies.
Adaptability: He is not flexible in their approach, unable to adjust their leadership style, has compromised judgment, and unable to communicate to fit different situations and cultures.
Trump lacks interpersonal and communication skills
Communication: He's an effective communicator when it achieves his personal objective, but he is not an effective communicator covey the principles of the United States include popular sovereignty (rule by the people), limited government (government authority is not absolute), separation of powers (dividing government into legislative, executive, and judicial branches), checks and balances (each branch can limit the others), federalism (power is shared between national and state governments), and individual rights (such as liberty and equality).
note: These principles are foundational to the U.S. Constitution and guide the structure and function of the government
Delegation: He's an effective delegator when it achieves his personal objective, but lacks the ability to empower others by delegating tasks and responsibilities effectively for the benefit on the country.
Collaboration: He cannot build and foster teamwork to achieve common goals that are foundation to the U.S. Constitution.
Mindset and personal development
Growth mindset: He cannot see challenges as opportunities and fails to commit to continuous learning and developing new skills.
Open-mindedness: He is not open to new ideas and lacks perspectives as his mission as president.
Accountability: His failure to accept responsibility for his actions and their outcomes. It involves avoiding ownership of mistakes, not following through on commitments, and being unwilling to fix problems, which can lead to a cycle of blame and a decline in trust and productivity.
How it manifests:
Avoiding blame: Shifting responsibility to others, making excuses, or outright denying fault for mistakes or poor performance.
Lack of follow-through: Not completing tasks, missing deadlines, or failing to act on promises.
Unwillingness to fix problems: Avoiding the effort to resolve an issue that resulted from one's own actions.
Lack of self-awareness: Not understanding the impact of one's behavior, which makes it easy to blame external factors.
Consequences
Damaged trust: When people aren't accountable, others lose trust in them, which can harm professional and personal relationships.
Decreased productivity: Missed deadlines, poorly executed work, and unresolved problems can derail teams and projects.
Low morale: A culture where accountability is lacking can lead to frustration and disengagement among team members.
Stagnation: Without taking responsibility for mistakes, there is no mechanism for learning or improving performance.
In conclusion, Donald Trump does not have the preferred characteristics be a U.S. president. He lacks strong leadership, integrity, and the ability to make sound decisions. Public opinion polls and historical analyses agree with these conclusions semphasize both personal traits and practical skills.
Core Preferred Characteristics
Leadership and Decision-Making Skills: The ability to lead and make effective, timely decisions is consistently ranked as a top priority by Americans.
Honesty and Integrity: Voters highly value a president they perceive as truthful, trustworthy, and possessing a strong moral compass.
Competence and Intelligence: A strong majority of Americans consider a president's intelligence and competence to be very important qualities.
Ability to Take Responsibility: A leader who can admit mistakes and take responsibility for their actions is a highly valued trait across party lines.
Vision for the Future: Voters prefer a candidate who can articulate a clear and inspiring vision for the country's future.
Ability to Stay Calm Under Pressure: Given the high-stakes nature of the presidency, the ability to manage crises calmly is seen as essential.
Respect for the Rule of Law and Commitment to Democracy: Upholding the Constitution and democratic principles is a key expectation.
Additional Informal Qualities
Beyond these core traits, other factors often considered important, though not legally required, include:
Political Experience: Most presidents have previous experience as a governor, senator, or other high-ranking government or military position.
Communication Skills: The ability to communicate a vision clearly and connect with the public is a critical skill for building support.
Empathy: The capacity to understand and care about the needs of all citizens is a desirable quality, especially for some demographic groups.
Physical and Mental Health: While physical health is less important than mental health to most voters, both are factors that the public considers.
Fundraising Ability: The practical need to raise large amounts of money is an informal requirement for running a competitive campaign.
In conclusion, Donald Trump does not have preferred characteristics for a U.S. president generally involve strong leadership, integrity, and the ability to make sound decisions. G-101 SPM AI, public opinion polls and historical analyses emphasize both personal traits and practical skills.
Donald Trump Does Have Core Preferred Characteristics
Leadership and Decision-Making Skills: The ability to lead and make effective, timely decisions is consistently ranked as a top priority by Americans.
Honesty and Integrity: Voters highly value a president they perceive as truthful, trustworthy, and possessing a strong moral compass.
Competence and Intelligence: A strong majority of Americans consider a president's intelligence and competence to be very important qualities.
Ability to Take Responsibility: A leader who can admit mistakes and take responsibility for their actions is a highly valued trait across party lines.
Vision for the Future: Voters prefer a candidate who can articulate a clear and inspiring vision for the country's future.
Ability to Stay Calm Under Pressure: Given the high-stakes nature of the presidency, the ability to manage crises calmly is seen as essential.
Respect for the Rule of Law and Commitment to Democracy: Upholding the Constitution and democratic principles is a key expectation.
Donald Trump Does Have Primary Qualities
Beyond these core traits, other factors often considered important, though not legally required, include:
Political Experience: Most presidents have previous experience as a governor, senator, or other high-ranking government or military position.
Communication Skills: The ability to communicate a vision clearly and connect with the public is a critical skill for building support.
Empathy: The capacity to understand and care about the needs of all citizens is a desirable quality, especially for some demographic groups.
Physical and Mental Health: While physical health is less important than mental health to most voters, both are factors that the public considers.
Fundraising Ability: The practical need to raise large amounts of money is an informal requirement for running a competitive campaign.
"Being second is not bad. Can't win 'em all!" DONALD TRUMP WILL BE REMEMBERED IN HISTORY AS THE PRESIDENT
WHO GAVE AWAY THE UNITES STATES.
Donald Trump as the inept president of the United States is the final activator for China to gain world dominance in trade within 20-year, and embrace significant economic and geopolitical privileges, including enhanced economic growth, and greater political influence.
The exact moment in great-power politics happened on October 30, 2025 at the
summit between President Trump and President Xi Jinping of China.
The two leaders agreed during a meeting to pause the trade war that Mr. Trump launched this year. But the real story to emerge from the event was not the inconclusive truce they reached in the South Korean city of Busan but the unmistakable demonstration that China could now face America as a true peer. China absorbed the full weight of American economic pressure and retaliated successfully with greater pressure of its own, weaponizing its dominance of global supply chains on which America relies, particularly rare earth minerals and magnets. After decades of deindustrialization, a poorly prepared United States would not — or could not — respond.
If historians someday try to identify exactly when China became America’s geopolitical equal, they might point to the outcome of Mr. Trump’s ill-considered trade war.
This reckoning comes at a critical time.
We are halfway through what strategists in both U.S. political parties believe will be a decisive decade that determines whether America can avoid falling behind China economically, technologically and militarily. Mr. Trump’s team is moving urgently to bring manufacturing back to the United States, rebalance trade and rebuild the defense industrial base.
Mr. Trump framed the meeting as a U.S.-China “G2,” diminishing the importance of allies whose help America needs to reindustrialize at home and balance China abroad. And by showing Beijing that its coercive tools work, Mr. Trump risks inviting more pressure, potentially giving China veto power over his America First agenda.
None of this had to happen. The road to Busan began with needless provocation by Mr. Trump. In February, he reignited the trade war that he started in his first term, levying tariffs on Chinese goods that eventually rose past 140 percent. But he failed to first assess America’s own vulnerabilities or shore up its supply chains. By contrast, Beijing had spent the years since 2018, when Mr. Trump first began imposing tariffs, preparing for exactly this moment. Backed into a corner, Mr. Xi reached for his break-glass tool. In April, he halted exports to the United States of rare earths minerals and magnets — critical materials for everything from cars to missiles — an escalation beyond anything he had threatened under President Joe Biden. It was a calculated risk given the potential for more American retaliation. But Mr. Xi gambled that Mr. Trump would fold. He was right. In May, Mr. Trump radically reduced tariffs and pursued de-escalation.
Emboldened, China wielded rare earths again in October — and raised the stakes dramatically. Using the pretext of new U.S. export controls, Beijing responded with a sweeping licensing regime requiring companies anywhere in the world to obtain China’s approval not only to buy the country’s rare earths but also to sell any product made with even trace amounts of them.
It was an unthinkable escalation, well beyond anything Washington had ever attempted, and a gun to the head for U.S. and global manufacturing. Mr. Trump’s team readied drastic countermeasures — from new chip controls to financial sanctions — that might have forced Beijing to question its coercive approach. Instead, Mr. Trump flinched, shelving those options and retreating to the familiar comfort of tariffs — by now an empty threat since he had lifted them in the spring after Beijing halted rare earths exports. By the time the leaders met in Busan, Mr. Trump’s earlier bravado was nowhere to be seen. He chose to de-escalate and cut tariffs again, among other concessions.
With the dust now settled, Mr. Trump has not only revealed the limits of America’s resolve to its greatest rival, but also has left the United States worse off than when he started this fight.
Beijing has resumed imports of U.S. soybeans — one of America’s major exports to China — but at lower volumes than before. China has postponed its new licensing regime on rare earths for a year, but fear that China might invoke it in the future has already caused the Trump administration to suspend export restrictions that would have tightened controls on Chinese-linked firms. China also received a 10 percent tariff reduction for pledging to crack down on production of fentanyl precursors. But that brings its tariff rate closer to that of American allies and partners, which reduces incentives for American businesses to diversify their suppliers to countries other than China.
The reverberations of Mr. Trump’s mishandling of China will echo far beyond trade. U.S. allies may now have reason to doubt America’s ability to stand with them when it cannot even stand up for itself. Beijing may feel emboldened to test U.S. resolve on Taiwan and other issues. China, after all, has other chokepoints it can weaponize, such as its dominance over the production of pharmaceutical ingredients for dozens of critical drugs, including antibiotics.
There is an old lesson that many generals learned too late: It is unwise to invade Russia in the winter. The economic corollary should now be equally clear. It is unwise to start a trade war with the main supplier of your most critical imports until you have mitigated your vulnerabilities. Mr. Trump, who mistook political theater for strategy, lost ground against China not solely because he misjudged Mr. Xi but because he underestimated America’s dependence on the supply chains it no longer controls and the allies that he too often ignores.
Building and wielding national power is deadly serious business. It takes more than bluster. It takes patience, endurance, planning and the discipline to know when to fight and when not to.
China understood that when it was weaker — steadily building its strength over the course of decades and avoiding premature tests of power. Mr. Trump, who blithely took American primacy for granted, is only now learning that lesson.
For years, theorists have posited the onset of a “Chinese century”: a world in which China finally harnesses its vast economic and technological potential to surpass the United States and reorient global power around a pole that runs through Beijing. That century may already have dawned, and when historians look back they may very well pinpoint the early months of President Trump’s second term as the watershed moment when China pulled away and left the United States behind.
It doesn’t matter that Washington and Beijing have reached an inconclusive and temporary truce in Mr. Trump’s trade war. The U.S. president immediately claimed it as a win, but that only underlines the fundamental problem for the Trump administration and America: a shortsighted focus on inconsequential skirmishes as the larger war with China is being decisively lost.
Mr. Trump is taking a wrecking ball to the pillars of American power and innovation. His tariffs are endangering U.S. companies’ access to global markets and supply chains. He is slashing public research funding and gutting our universities, pushing talented researchers to consider leaving for other countries. He wants to roll back programs for technologies like clean energy and semiconductor manufacturing and is wiping out American soft power in large swaths of the globe.
China’s trajectory couldn’t be more different.
It already leads global production in multiple industries — steel, aluminum, shipbuilding, batteries, solar power, electric vehicles, wind turbines, drones, 5G equipment, consumer electronics, active pharmaceutical ingredients and bullet trains. It is projected to account for 45 percent — nearly half — of global manufacturing by 2030. Beijing is also laser-focused on winning the future: In March it announced a $138 billion national venture capital fund that will make long-term investments in cutting-edge technologies such as quantum computing and robotics, and increased its budget for public research and development.
The results of China’s approach have been stunning.
When the Chinese start-up DeepSeek launched its artificial intelligence chatbot in January, many Americans suddenly realized that China could compete in A.I. But there have been a series of Sputnik moments like that. The Chinese electric carmaker BYD, which Mr. Trump’s political ally Elon Musk once laughed off as a joke, overtook Tesla last year in global sales, is building new factories around the world and in March reached a market value greater than that of Ford, GM and Volkswagen combined. China is charging ahead in drug discoveries, especially cancer treatments, and installed more industrial robots in 2023 than the rest of the world combined. In semiconductors, the vital commodity of this century and a longtime weak point for China, it is building a self-reliant supply chain led by recent breakthroughs by Huawei. Critically, Chinese strength across these and other overlapping technologies is creating a virtuous cycle in which advances in multiple interlocking sectors reinforce and elevate one another.
Yet Mr. Trump remains fixated on tariffs. He doesn’t even seem to grasp the scale of the threat posed by China. Before the two countries’ announcement last Monday that they had agreed to slash trade tariffs, Mr. Trump dismissed concerns that his previous sky-high tariffs on Chinese goods would leave shelves empty in American stores. He said Americans could just get by with buying fewer dolls for their children — a characterization of China as a factory for toys and other cheap junk that is wildly out of date.
The United States needs to realize that neither tariffs nor other trade pressure will get China to abandon the state-driven economic playbook that has worked so well for it and suddenly adopt industrial and trade policies that Americans consider fair. If anything, Beijing is doubling down on its state-led approach, bringing a Manhattan Project-style focus to achieving dominance in high-tech industries.
TRUMP LOST IN THE SAUSE.
President Trump’s long-promised trade war with China has only just got going, and he’s already botched it. Mr. Trump and his sycophants brag about his deal-making artistry. So they are presumably familiar with some of the basic principles of business negotiations: Have a clear and attainable goal, know your adversary’s pain points (and don’t reveal your own), and make sure you don’t box them in so aggressively that they have no choice but to dig in their heels and retaliate.
Mr. Trump seems to have forgotten these things. His ill-conceived and amateurishly executed tariff war with China has now spiraled out of control, threatening world trade and badly damaging America’s global image. And it is far from certain that he will prevail. Mr. Trump’s main problem is that he and his team evidently — and wrongly — assumed China was so desperate to protect its exports to the United States that it would simply bend to his will.
China exports more to the United States than to any other country — $438 billion worth in 2024. The staggering tariffs that Mr. Trump has imposed and that Beijing has matched in retaliation will hurt, coming at a time of weak Chinese consumer demand and investment and a struggling real estate market. But China is in some respects better prepared today to hold its ground than it was during Mr. Trump’s first term.
After years of trade tension, tariffs and general decoupling, China is not as economically tied to the United States as before. Many American companies have reduced their presence in China by shifting manufacturing and sourcing to other countries. In 2017, before Mr. Trump began imposing tariffs, 21.6 percent of goods imported into the United States came from China. That fell to 13.4 percent last year. Some of that may be because of the rerouting of Chinese products and components through third countries before they reach the United States, a loophole that the Trump administration is looking to close.
But China has been diversifying its export markets to reduce its dependence on the United States: The value of direct Chinese exports to the United States last year was roughly the same as a decade ago; its exports to the European Union, meanwhile, soared in that period. China also has reduced its overall reliance on trade: Exports as a percentage of China’s gross domestic product declined from 36 percent in 2006 to 19.7 percent in 2023, according to World Bank data.
China under President Xi Jinping has spent years preparing for this expected trade confrontation with the United States, through its messaging at home and by prioritizing technological self-sufficiency, economic security and industrial retooling. In recent months it has taken additional steps to strengthen the economy and promote domestic consumption and is once again embracing China’s leading private sector entrepreneurs, whose dynamism and prominence faded in recent years as the government pursued more state-led industrial development.
So far, it is Mr. Trump who has blinked. Last week he declared a 90-day pause in the steep “reciprocal” tariffs he imposed on other countries after they sparked fears of a recession, crashed global financial markets and caused American business titans to publicly question the president’s approach. His admission that he backed off because investors were getting “yippy” was unwise, showing that he might waver again if the standoff with China persists.
The Chinese government has a range of policy tools it can wield to ease the pain of a prolonged trade war, including billions of dollars’ worth of state funds that can be quickly pumped into China’s capital markets. But Mr. Trump’s negotiating position will weaken by the day as U.S. consumers feel the sting of rising inflation, investors watch their stock portfolios suffer and chief executives see the business outlook darken.
China’s leaders are simply not as vulnerable to domestic pressure as Mr. Trump. This has deep historical, cultural and social roots. Recurring periods of hardship in Chinese history have embedded in the nation’s psyche a capacity for endurance and fortitude. The phrase for this is “chi ku,” or to “eat bitterness.” Younger Chinese today are accustomed to more comfortable consumer lives than previous generations, but chi ku still runs strong.
My grandparents’ generation was hardened by war, famine and social turmoil — memories that have been passed down and remain fresh for most Chinese today. I was born in China in the 1990s, before the country reached its current levels of prosperity. As a child, I lived in a cramped 200-square-foot single-room apartment with my parents; kitchen and restroom areas were shared with more than 20 other households. Our family was considered better off than most.
Instead of voicing worry, most Chinese I know are simply annoyed at the United States and fully support the Chinese leadership’s decision to dig in. In the public eye, Mr. Trump’s assault has only validated the years of official warnings that China needed to prepare for this.
Mr. Trump says Beijing “played it wrong” by retaliating against his tariffs. But he gave China no choice; showing weakness only emboldens a bully like him. A severe downturn in global demand caused by his tariffs would undoubtedly affect the Chinese economy. But he shouldn’t wait around for a call from Beijing pleading for a deal. Mr. Xi can afford to sit tight and blame any economic hardship on Mr. Trump.
Mr. Trump’s boorish, erratic approach has brought him no closer to achieving his unclear trade goals with China. What it has done is raise the risk of a world recession and make China appear like the more stable and reliable economic partner.
So much for the art of the deal --- Trump's questionable profile sealed the deal by punching the ticket for China to be Number One